Just as Marxists, liberals, and conservatives differed within and between various countries, so too did fascists. In some countries there were rivalries between native fascist movements over personal, tactical, and other differences.
Fascist movements also displayed significant differences with respect to their acceptance of racism and particularly anti-Semitism, their identification with Christianity, and their support for Nazi Germany.
Although not all fascists believed in biological racism, it played a central role in the actions of those who did. Nazism was viciously racist, especially in its attitude toward Jews. The Nazis blamed the Jews for almost everything wrong with Germany, from the Great Depression and the rise of Marxism to the evils of international capitalism and decadence in art.
The Holocaust, culminating in the “final solution to the Jewish question,” was the immensely cruel outcome of this hatred. From 1933 to 1945 some six million Jewish men, women, and children were exterminated by gassings, shootings, hangings, and clubbings, and about three million Slavs (whom the Nazis regarded as only slightly less racially inferior than Jews), as well as approximately 400,000 Roma, were murdered as well.
Croatian fascists preached the racial inferiority of Serbs, and in the late 1930s they became increasingly anti-Semitic. When Germany invaded Yugoslavia in 1941, Ante Pavelić, the Ustaša’s leader, became head of a German puppet state, the Independent State of Croatia (NDH), and established a one-party regime.
The NDH moved against the more than one million Orthodox Serbs in Croatia, forcing some to convert and expelling or killing others in campaigns of genocide. About 250,000 Serbs in Croatia were eventually liquidated, many in village massacres. The regime also murdered some 40,000 Jews in concentration camps, such as the one at Jasenovac.
Elsewhere in Europe and in South Africa, Latin America, and the United States, fascist movements were racist, and sometimes specifically anti-Semitic, to varying degrees.
In Poland members of the Falanga attacked Jews in the streets and created “ghetto benches” for Jewish students in the lecture rooms of the University of Warsaw. In the United States, the Ku Klux Klan and other groups preached the supremacy of the white race.
Some fascists in Japan taught that the Japanese were a superior race, and Syrian fascists claimed superiority for their people as well.
In contrast to fascists in most other European countries, Mussolini opposed anti-Semitism during the first 12 years of his rule. After 1933, however, he sometimes allowed anti-Semites within his party to condemn “unpatriotic” Jews in the press.
In 1938 the Italian government passed anti-Semitic legislation, and later it abetted the Holocaust. Prior to the German takeover of Austria, the fascist regimes of Dollfuss and Schuschnigg also rejected anti-Semitism, and many Austrian Jews—including Sigmund Freud—supported them for resisting Nazism.
During the early interwar period, France’s largest fascist parties—the Faisceau, the Young Patriots, the Cross of Fire, and the French Popular Party—rejected anti-Semitism, and right-wing Jews were accepted into these movements until at least 1936, when the left-wing Popular Front, under the premiership of the Jewish socialist Léon Blum, came to power.
Other fascist groups, such as French Action and French Solidarity, were more openly anti-Semitic, though they claimed to object to Jews on “cultural” rather than racial grounds. In 1941 La Rocque placed responsibility for the “mortal vices” of France on Jews and Freemasons.
Although British fascism was not anti-Semitic at the outset—Mosley’s Blackshirts were trained by the British boxer Ted (“Kid”) Lewis, who was Jewish—it became so by 1936.
Most fascist movements portrayed themselves as defenders of Christianity and the traditional Christian family against atheists and amoral humanists. This was true of Catholic fascist movements in Poland, Spain, Portugal, France, Austria, Hungary, Croatia, Bolivia, Argentina, Chile, and Brazil. In Romania,
Codreanu said he wanted to model his life after the crucified Christ of the Orthodox church, and his Legion of the Archangel Michael, a forerunner of the Iron Guard, officially called for “faith in God” and “love for each other.”
In France, Valois, Taittinger, Renaud, Bucard, and La Rocque were all Catholics, and Doriot, previously an atheist, appealed to Catholic sentiments after he became a fascist. Although Maurras was an agnostic, he defended the Catholic church as a pillar of social order, and there were many Catholics among his followers.
The fascist intellectual Robert Brasillach described the Spanish Civil War as a conflict between Catholic fascism and atheistic Marxism. Drieu La Rochelle rejected liberal Catholicism but praised the “virile, male Catholicism” of the Middle Ages and the “warrior Christianity of the Crusades.”
Although fascists in Germany and Italy also posed as protectors of the church, their ideologies contained many elements that conflicted with traditional Christian beliefs, and their policies were sometimes opposed by church leaders.
The Nazis criticized the Christian ideals of meekness and guilt on the grounds that they repressed the violent instincts necessary to prevent inferior races from dominating Aryans.
Martin Bormann, the second most powerful official in the Nazi Party after 1941, argued that Nazi and Christian beliefs were “incompatible,” primarily because the essential elements of Christianity were “taken over from Judaism.”
Bormann’s views were shared by Hitler, who ultimately wished to replace Christianity with a racist form of warrior paganism.
Although Hitler was cautious about dangerously alienating Christians during World War II, he sometimes permitted Nazi officials to put pressure on Protestant and Catholic parents to remove their children from religious classes and to register them for ideological instruction instead.
In the Nazi schools charged with training Germany’s future elite, Christian prayers were replaced with Teutonic rituals and sun-worship ceremonies.
Despite the many anti-Christian elements in Nazism, the vast majority of Nazis considered themselves to be religious, and most German anti-Semites supported Christianity purged of its “Jewish” elements. The pro-Nazi German Christians, who were part of the Lutheran church in Germany, held that Christ had been a blond-haired, blue-eyed Aryan, and male members called themselves “SS men for Christ.” In many German families children began their prayers before meals with the phrase, “Führer, my Führer, bequeathed to me by the Lord.”
In Italy, Mussolini signed a concordat with the papacy, the Lateran Treaty (1929), which, among other things, made Roman Catholicism the state religion of Italy and mandated the teaching of Catholic doctrine in all public primary and secondary schools.
Later, many practicing Catholics joined the conservative wing of the Fascist Party. In 1931, however, Pope Pius XI issued an encyclical, Non abbiamo bisogno, that denounced fascism’s “pagan worship of the State” and its “revolution which snatches the young from the Church and from Jesus Christ, and which inculcates in its own young people hatred, violence and irreverence.”
Although many Italian fascists remained Catholic, the regime’s mystique contained pagan elements that glorified the spirit of ancient Rome and the military virtues of its soldiers.
Many non-German fascists were just as nationalistic toward their countries as Hitler was toward his. Many Polish fascists fell resisting the German invasion of 1939, and others were later condemned to Nazi concentration camps—as were some Hungarian fascists after 1942.
Before he was assassinated in 1934, the Austrian fascist Dollfuss sought Mussolini’s support against Hitler, and the Heimwehr received important financial support from Mussolini to create a fascist government in Austria that would resist the Germans.
Before 1940 all French fascists opposed a German invasion of France. Doriot enlisted in the French army when war broke out between France and Germany in 1939, and in 1940, as a sergeant, he commanded a unit that held back the enemy for several hours (he was later decorated for his exploits).
Following France’s military defeat, some French fascists, including Doriot, subordinated their nationalism to Hitler’s crusade against bolshevism, as did many Hungarian, Croatian, and other non-German fascists. Others, such as Philippe Barrès, a former member of the Faisceau, crossed the channel in 1940 to serve under Charles de Gaulle, leader of the Free French movement.
Eugène Deloncle, one of the leaders of the Cagoule, France’s major right-wing terrorist organization of the 1930s, was killed in 1944 while shooting at Gestapo agents who had come to arrest him. Another Cagoulard, François Duclos, was awarded the Croix de Guerre for his heroism in the Resistance.
Salazar’s Portugal and Franco’s Spain remained officially neutral or nonbelligerent during World War II, despite the fascist characteristics of their own regimes.
Fascist Italy and fascist Japan were allies of Germany during the war, though Mussolini’s autonomy in this alliance was lost when German divisions occupied Italy in 1942 following the landing of American and British troops in North Africa.
In the mid-1930s, other non-German fascists, including members of the British Union of Fascists and the German-American Bund, expressed admiration for Hitler’s forceful leadership without inviting a German invasion of their countries. Indeed, in 1938 La Rocque suggested that the best way for France to avoid such an invasion was to become more fascist itself.
In 1941, following France’s defeat by Hitler’s armies, La Rocque called for “continental collaboration” with Germany and criticized de Gaulle and his British allies for threatening to “enslave” France.
He soon became disillusioned with Germany’s treatment of France, however, and in early 1942 he formed a resistance organization that provided military information to the British.
Mussolini and Hitler did not invent fascist ideology. Indeed, fascism was neither a 20th-century creation nor a peculiarly Italian or German one.
Originating in the 19th century, fascist ideas appeared in the works of writers from France as well as Austria, Germany, and Italy, including political theorists such as Theodor Fritsch, Paul Anton de Lagarde, Julius Langbehn, Jörg Lanz von Liebenfels, Joseph de Maistre, Charles Maurras, and Georges Sorel;
scientists and philosophers such as Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Giovanni Gentile, Gustave Le Bon, Friedrich Nietzsche, Vilfredo Pareto, Karl Vogt, and Ernst Haeckel; historians and social thinkers such as Joseph-Arthur, comte de Gobineau, Hippolyte Taine, and Heinrich von Treitschke;
artists, writers, and journalists such as Gabriele D’Annunzio, Richard Wagner, Édouard Drumont, Maurice Barrès, and Guido von List; and conservative politicians such as Otto Böckel and Adolf Stoecker.
Many fascist ideas derived from the reactionary backlash to the progressive revolutions of 1789, 1830, 1848, and 1871 and to the secular liberalism and social radicalism that accompanied these upheavals.
De Maistre condemned the 18th-century Enlightenment for having subverted the dominance of traditional religion and traditional elites and paid homage to the public executioner as the protector of a divinely sanctioned social hierarchy.
Taine lamented the rise to power of the masses, whom he suggested were at a lower stage of biological evolution than aristocrats. Le Bon wrote a primer on how to divert the barbarism of the masses from revolution to reaction.
Barrès fused ethnic rootedness with authoritarian nationalism and contended that too much civilization led to decadence and that hatred and violence were energizing remedies.
German populist politicians and writers such as Stoecker, Böckel, and Fritsch extolled the idea of racially pure peasants close to the soil who would one day follow a charismatic leader able to intuit the Volk soul without benefit of elections.
Anti-Semitism was a staple in the work of Drumont, Maurras, Lagarde, Langbehn, and a host of other best-selling authors. Britain’s Houston Stewart Chamberlain preached Aryan racism, and many of the anti-Semitic ideas espoused by Carl Lueger’s Christian Social Party and Georg von Schönerer’s Pan-German movement in Austria were later adopted by Hitler.
Racial Darwinists such as Vogt, Haeckel, Treitschke, Langbehn, Lagarde, and Chamberlain glorified the survival of the fittest, scolded humanitarians for attempting to protect the racially unfit, and rejected the idea of social equality (“Equality is death, hierarchy is life,” wrote Langbehn).
Chamberlain saw no reason to give inferior races equal rights. Treitschke raged against democracy, socialism, and feminism (all of which he attributed to Jews), insisted that might made right, and praised warrior imperialism (“Brave peoples expand, cowardly peoples perish”).
Lagarde said of the Slavs that “the sooner they perish the better it will be for us and them,” and he called for the extermination of the Jews—a sentiment that was shared by his contemporary Langbehn.
As John Weiss remarked of Lagarde and Langbehn, “The two most influential and popular intellectuals of late nineteenth century Germany were indistinguishable from Nazi ideologists.”
Weiss also noted that “the press and popular magazines of Germany and Central Europe had fed a steady diet of racial nationalism to the public since the last quarter of the nineteenth century, and anti-Semitic stereotypes were nothing if not commonplace in German mass culture.”
In the late 19th century many conservative nationalists were philosophical idealists who accused liberals and socialists of materialism and thereby portrayed their own politics as more spiritual. Other 19th-century thinkers propagated some protofascist ideas while rejecting others.
Nietzsche rhapsodized about the heroic vitality of elite souls who were uninhibited by Christian ethics or liberal humanitarianism, but he was appalled by völkisch nationalism and anti-Semitism.
Similarly, Sorel preached violence as an antidote for decadence—an idea that Mussolini admired—but his economic thought was too socialistic for most fascists.
Despite their long history in European thought, fascist ideas prospered politically only when perceived economic threats increased their appeal to members of certain social groups. In 1928, before the onset of the Great Depression in Germany,
Hitler received less than 3 percent of the vote; after 1930, however, far more voters—many of them middle and lower-middle class individuals fearful of “proletarianization”—gave him their support.
The economic anxiety underlying the success of Nazism was reflected to some extent in party membership, which was drawn disproportionately from economic elites and other high-status groups—especially for leadership positions.
These posts also contained large numbers of university professors, high school teachers, higher civil servants, former military officers, doctors, lawyers, businessmen, and landed aristocrats. In the lower ranks of the party, white-collar workers were overrepresented and blue-collar workers were underrepresented.
Similarly, in Italy, as historian Charles Maier has shown, fascism originally received most of its support from large and small landowners who felt beleaguered by landless farm workers and from businessmen and white-collar workers who felt a similar threat from industrial workers.
In 1927, 75 percent of the membership of Mussolini’s party came from the middle and lower-middle classes and only 15 percent from the working class. Nearly 10 percent came from Italy’s economic elites, who represented a much smaller portion of the general population.
The Nazis drew more support from small towns than they did from large cities. In rural areas, Protestants were overrepresented in the party, and Catholics were underrepresented. In less-industrialized countries—such as Spain, Portugal, Poland, Romania, and Hungary—fascists relied more heavily on rural support.
In Japan many fascist activists were originally young army officers, low-level civil servants, small landowners, small factory owners, masters of small workshops, primary school teachers, and Shintō and Buddhist priests.
Although in principle there were significant differences between fascism and nonfascist conservatism, the two camps shared some of the same goals, which in times of crisis led some nonfascists to collaborate with fascists. As Weiss observed,
“Any study of fascism which centers too narrowly on the fascists and Nazis alone may miss the true significance of right-wing extremism.
For without necessarily becoming party members or accepting the entire range of party principles themselves, aristocratic landlords, army officers, government and civil service officials, and important industrialists in Italy and Germany helped bring fascists to power.”
Without the aid of President Paul von Hindenburg, Chancellor Franz von Papen, and other German conservatives, Hitler, who never won an electoral majority, would not have been appointed chancellor.
During the Great Depression, thousands of middle-class conservatives fearful of the growing power of the left abandoned traditional right-wing parties and adopted fascism.
The ideological distance traveled from traditional conservatism to Nazism was sometimes small, since many of the ideas that Hitler exploited in the 1930s had long been common currency within the German right.
In Italy thousands of landowners and businessmen were grateful to Mussolini’s Blackshirts for curbing the socialists in 1920–21, and many in the army and the Catholic church saw fascism as a bulwark against communism. Before the beginning of Franco’s rule in Spain, many monarchists had close relations with the Falange.
Although the Franco regime arrested some of its fascist rivals, it gave others important positions in its propaganda agencies.
Horthy’s government in Hungary was soft on fascism, and in its early stages it employed fascist methods itself, sending strong-arm squads to raid leftist trade unions, clubs, and newspaper offices and countenancing the slaughter of hundreds of communists and socialists throughout the country.
In Greece, King George II and conservatives in the parliament helped Metaxas to establish his dictatorship in 1936.
Fascists also received support from Christian conservatives. Between 1930 and 1932 Hitler was supported by many Protestant voters in rural Prussia, and after 1933 the Catholic church in Germany largely accommodated itself to his regime.
In 1933 the Vatican, which had previously interdicted Catholic membership in socialist organizations, signed a concordat with Germany that forbade priests to speak out on politics and gave Hitler a say in naming bishops.
In France the leading Catholic newspaper, La Croix, expressed early support for Hitler’s crusade against bolshevism, and the largest Catholic parliamentary party, the Republican Federation (Fédération Republicaine), included fascists in its ranks.
In 1936, when the Cross of Fire became an electoral party (changing its name to the French Social Party), it absorbed much of the Republican Federation’s membership.
Although fascism was largely discredited in Europe at the end of World War II, fascist-inspired movements were founded in several European countries beginning in the late 1940s. Similar groups were created outside Europe as well, primarily in Latin America, the Middle East, and South Africa.
Like their fascist predecessors, the “neofascists” advocated militant nationalism and authoritarian values, opposed the liberal individualism of the Enlightenment, attacked Marxist and other left-wing ideologies,
indulged in racist and xenophobic scapegoating, portrayed themselves as protectors of traditional national culture and religion, glorified violence and military heroism, and promoted populist right-wing economic programs.
Despite these similarities, however, neofascism was not simply a revival of fascism. Neofascist parties differed from earlier fascist movements in several significant respects, many of them having to do with the profound political, economic, and social changes that took place in Europe in the first decades after the end of the war.
For example, whereas fascists assigned much of the blame for their countries’ economic problems to the machinations of bolsheviks, liberals, and Jews, neofascists tended to focus on non-European immigrants—such as Turks, Pakistanis, and Algerians—who arrived in increasing numbers beginning in the 1970s.
After decades of postwar decolonization, neofascists in western Europe lost interest in taking Lebensraum through military conquest of other states. Instead, they fought battles for “urban space,” which in Germany involved conflicts over government-subsidized housing for immigrants.
With increasing urbanization also came a shift in the electoral bases of fascist-oriented movements and a consequent decline in the importance of rural romanticism (“blood and soil”) in neofascist political rhetoric.
Finally, the gradual acceptance of democratic norms by the vast majority of western Europeans reduced the appeal of authoritarian ideologies and required that neofascist parties make a concerted effort to portray themselves as democratic and “mainstream.”
Some neofascists even included words like “democratic” and “liberal” in the titles of their movements. Most neofascists abandoned the outward trappings of earlier fascist parties, such as paramilitary uniforms and Roman salutes, and many explicitly denounced fascist policies or denied that their parties were fascist.
Noting this transformation, in 1996 Roger Eatwell cautioned: “Beware of men—and women—wearing smart Italian suits: the colour is now gray, the material is cut to fit the times, but the aim is still power.…
Fascism is on the move once more, even if its most sophisticated forms have learned to dress to suit the times.” Similarly, historian Richard Wolin described these movements as “designer fascism.”
As with fascist movements of the interwar period, neofascist movements differed from one another in various respects. The rhetoric of neofascists in Russia and the Balkans, for example, tended to be more openly brutal and militaristic than that of the majority of their Western counterparts.
Most neofascist movements in Europe pandered to anti-Semitism, though neofascists in Italy and Spain generally did not. Spanish neofascists also differed from most other neofascists in Europe in that they did not make a major issue of immigration.
Portuguese, British, and (for a time) Italian neofascists advocated corporatism, in contrast to French and many other Western neofascists, who promoted free-market capitalism and lower taxes.
In the 1990s in Russia and eastern Europe, neofascist movements were generally more leftist than their counterparts in western Europe, emphasizing the interests of workers and peasants over those of the urban middle class and calling for “mixed” socialist and capitalist economies.
One of the largest neofascist movements in western Europe in the 1990s was the Italian Social Movement (Movimento Sociale Italiano [MSI]; renamed the National Alliance [Alleanza Nazionale] in 1994).
Founded in 1946, it was led at various times by Giorgio Almirante, Augusto De Marsanich, Arturo Michelini, and Gianfranco Fini. As an official in Mussolini’s Italian Social Republic, a puppet state established by the Germans in northern Italy in 1944,
Almirante oversaw the regime’s propaganda machinery. When the MSI was launched in 1946, Almirante sought to give it a modern image, urging its members to “beware of representing fascism in a grotesque way, or at any rate, in an outdated, anachronistic, and stupidly nostalgic way.”
Although Italy’s postwar constitution forbade the reorganization of a fascist party, and although Almirante discouraged MSI members from wearing paramilitary black shirts and performing the Roman salute, the propaganda of the MSI echoed a number of themes dear to interwar fascism.
First and foremost was its call for the “vital forces” of the nation to resist the communist menace. The MSI contended that not only were communists gaining footholds in the press, in the schools, among intellectuals, and in the trade unions but they were behind the breakdown of law and order and left-wing terrorism.
In the 1950s MSI members entered schools to assault leftists and provoked violent confrontations with socialist and communist activists during election campaigns and strikes.
The MSI extolled the virtues of virility, courage, action, and patriotism. Like the National Fascist Party before it, the MSI also called for a corporatist solution to class conflict and the subordination of individual interests to the good of the nation.
As a defender of “Christian civilization,” it supported the Lateran Treaty, which made Roman Catholicism the state religion of Italy (Catholicism ceased to be the official religion with the signing of the concordat of 1984), and the legal prohibition of divorce.
Although at times the MSI cultivated a benign image and obscured its fascist imagery, at other times it called attention to its continuity with the fascist past. The practice of avoiding direct references to fascism virtually disappeared from MSI propaganda in the 1980s and ’90s, as illustrated by the declaration of Fini, elected party secretary in 1987:
“Fascism was part of the history of Italy and the expression of permanent values.” At a campaign rally in October 1992, Alessandra Mussolini, the granddaughter of the duce, stood in the balcony of the 15th-century Palazzo Venezia (Venice Palace) shouting,
“Grazie nonno!” (“Thanks, Granddad!”) as thousands of MSI supporters, many wearing black shirts and giving the fascist salute, marched below her and chanted, “Duce! Duce!”
MSI electoral fortunes varied greatly according to circumstances, ranging from about 2 percent of the vote in 1948 to 13.5 percent in 1994. In local elections in 1993, Fini and Mussolini were nearly elected mayor of Rome and mayor of Naples, respectively, and the party won almost a third of the vote in both cities.
Immediately after these elections, Fini subsumed the MSI into a new and allegedly more respectable party, the National Alliance (AN). Officially rejecting “any form of dictatorship or totalitarianism,” he replaced the old slogan of a “third way” between capitalism and communism with praise for the free market and individual initiative.
In March 1995 the AN won about 14 percent of the vote and five ministerial posts in a coalition government led by Silvio Berlusconi. Later that year the AN led an attempt to repeal the clause in the Italian constitution forbidding the reorganization of a fascist party, but the effort failed.
Although Fini described the AN as “postfascist,” following the 1994 elections, he declared that Mussolini was the greatest Italian statesman of the 20th century and that fascism before 1938—i.e., before Mussolini formed a military alliance with Hitler—was “mostly good.”
In 1949 Fritz Dorls and Otto Ernst Remer, a former army general who had helped to crush an attempted military coup against Hitler in July 1944, founded the Socialist Reich Party (Sozialistische Reichspartei; SRP), one of the earliest neofascist parties in Germany.
Openly sympathetic to Nazism, the SRP made considerable gains in former Nazi strongholds, and in 1951 it won 11 percent of the vote in regional elections in Lower Saxony. The party was banned as a neo-Nazi organization in 1952.
Among legal neofascist parties in Germany, the most important were the National Democratic Party of Germany (Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands;
NPD), founded in 1964 by Waldemar Schütz, a former member of the Nazi Party and the Waffen-SS (the elite military wing of the Nazi Party, which served in combat alongside the regular German army); the German People’s Union (Deutsche Volksunion; DVU), founded in 1971; and the Republicans (Die Republikaner;
REP), founded in 1983 by another former Waffen-SS member, Franz Schönhuber. Like Almirante in Italy, Schönhuber strove to give his party a more respectable image, and his efforts extended to denying his own previous connection with the Waffen-SS.
“I have no Nazi past,” he said. “I regard the National Socialist state as absolutely incompatible with the rule of law. Racism and fascism led us into the most horrible catastrophe in our national history.”
Neofascist parties in Germany focused much of their energies on campaigns against immigrants, and they were most successful in areas where immigrant communities were large. Running on slogans such as “Germany for the Germans, the boat is full,”
the REP gained 7.5 percent of the vote in West German elections in 1989 and more than 7 percent of the vote in elections for the European Parliament in the same year. Neofascist parties also won significant support among disaffected youth in parts of the former East Germany,
where there were high levels of unemployment, poor housing, and severe environmental problems in the years immediately following unification.
In 1992–93 gangs of neo-Nazi youth in eastern Germany, most of whom did not belong to political parties, staged attacks on Turkish and other immigrants and desecrated Jewish cemeteries. Public revulsion at the attacks contributed to a temporary dip in the far-right vote in 1993.
At the end of the 1990s, the REP was torn by personal, generational, and tactical divisions, with some members favouring a blatantly pro-Nazi platform and others urging more moderate and mainstream positions.
In 1999–2000 a series of electoral successes by the far-right Freedom Party of Austria (Freiheitlichen Partei Österreichs; FPÖ), founded in 1956 and led from 1986 by Jörg Haider, created a storm of controversy and produced widespread protests in Austria and abroad,
largely because of perceptions that the leadership of the party, including Haider himself, was sympathetic to Nazism. Haider, whose father had been a leading member of the Austrian Nazi Party before and during World War II, became notorious for his praise of Hitler’s employment policies and his remark, made to a group of Austrian veterans of World War II, that the Waffen-SS deserved “honour and respect.”
Arguing for stricter controls on immigration, he warned against the “over-foreignization” of Austrian society, pointedly borrowing a term—Überfremdung—used by Joseph Goebbels, Hitler’s minister of propaganda.
Haider became governor of Carinthia, his home province, in March 1999, when the FPÖ won regional elections there with 42 percent of the vote. In general elections in October, the FPÖ narrowly outpolled the conservative Austrian
People’s Party (Österreichische Volkspartei; ÖVP) with 27 percent of the vote and thereby became the second largest party in Austria (the Social-Democratic Party of Austria [Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs; SPÖ] finished first, with more than 33 percent).
The prospect that the FPÖ would be included in a new Austrian government prompted a threat by the other member states of the European Union (EU) to suspend all bilateral political contacts with Austria.
Despite the warning, the ÖVP, with considerable reluctance, formed a government with the FPÖ in February 2000, granting the party five cabinet ministries (Haider himself was not given a cabinet post).
The new government was greeted by widespread demonstrations, diplomatic protests, and calls for boycotts on travel to Austrian tourist destinations.
Facing intense international pressure, Haider resigned his leadership of the FPÖ at the end of February, only three weeks after his party had entered the government. His final split with the FPÖ occurred when he announced that he was forming a new party, the Alliance for the Future of Austria (Bündnis Zukunft Österreich; BZÖ),
in 2005. In 2008 the new party showed strong gains, and Haider seemed poised for a comeback on the national stage. On October 11, 2008, however, he died from injuries sustained in a car accident.
In the late 20th and early 21st centuries, neofascism in France was dominated by the National Front (Front National; FN), founded in 1972 by François Duprat and François Brigneau and led beginning later that year by Jean-Marie Le Pen.
After 10 years on the margins of French politics, the FN began a period of spectacular growth in 1981. Campaigning on the slogan “France for the French” (as had French fascists in the 1930s) and linking high unemployment and increased crime to the presence of immigrants,
the FN increased its support from 1 percent of the vote in 1981 to 14 percent in 1988. In 1984 the FN gained 11 percent of the vote in elections for the European Parliament and thereby became the largest extreme-right group within that body.
In municipal elections in 1989 the FN won city council seats in more than one third of cities exceeding 20,000 inhabitants, and in 1995–97 it gained control of four southern cities—Marignane, Orange, Toulon, and Vitrolles. Le Pen won 15 percent of the vote in presidential elections in 1995,
and the FN also took 15 percent in legislative elections in May–June 1997. In areas of its greatest strength—southern and eastern France—the FN won more than 20 percent.
The FN’s rapid increase in popularity occurred despite Le Pen’s previous association with extreme right-wing causes, his cavalier remarks about the Holocaust (in 1987 he told a television interviewer that the Holocaust was only “a detail of history”), the presence of former fascists in his organization, and other neofascist aspects of his movement.
The FN’s popular anti-immigrant themes included the claim that non-French immigrants, especially Muslims, threatened French national identity and culture—a threat that had been compounded, according to the FN, by the huge influx of films, music, and television programs from the United States.
The FN also called for a return to traditional values—family, law and order, hard work, and patriotism—and claimed that these values had been eroded by liberal permissiveness and multiculturalism.
Although Le Pen described himself as a “Churchillian democrat,” his commitment to political democracy was similar to that of La Rocque in the 1930s and ’40s—more tactical than principled. “We must be respectful of legality while it exists,” he declared in 1982.
Just as La Rocque had admired Mussolini, so Le Pen admired Franco in Spain and Augusto Pinochet in Chile. Le Pen praised Pinochet’s overthrow of socialist president Salvador Allende in 1973, and he declared that the French army should follow Pinochet’s example if a similar leftist government were to arise in France.
The FN attempted to portray Le Pen as a plain-speaking man of the people, and it emphasized his physical strength and virility. Although Le Pen’s bodyguards sometimes wore helmets and battle gear similar to those of France’s national riot police, and although party supporters were sometimes involved in street violence against immigrants and ethnic minorities, the FN had no official party uniforms or paramilitary organizations.
The FN imposed censorship when it had the power to do so. Mayors of cities governed by the FN removed left-wing journals from municipal libraries, forbade librarians to order “internationalist” books, and required the purchase of materials supporting the FN’s views.
The mayor of Toulon, Jean-Marie Le Chevallier, canceled the award of a literary prize to a Jewish writer and tried to shut down a well-known performance festival in the city because of its leftist political orientation.
The FN’s positions on economic issues fluctuated during the 1980s and ’90s. In the 1980s it sided with conservatives who stressed individual entrepreneurship and opposed state intervention in the economy.
However, in 1993, in an attempt to attract more working-class voters, Le Pen described free-market economics as “harmful” unless balanced with state intervention, and he called for a 39-hour workweek, five weeks of paid vacation, and other social benefits
—all measures the FN had previously opposed. In 1996 he reversed himself again, calling for lower taxes and criticizing trade unions for engaging in strikes.
By the 1990s the FN had acquired a broad-based and diverse following, including small-business owners and self-employed artisans, unemployed white-collar and blue-collar workers, socially conservative Catholics, and young people.
In 1998 Le Pen’s associate Bruno Mégret split from the FN to form a new party, the National Movement (Mouvement National; MN), taking with him most of the FN’s departmental secretaries and city councillors.
Nevertheless, Le Pen’s style and policies continued to attract significant support, and he served as an elected member of the European Parliament well into the 21st century.
In 2002 Le Pen defeated Prime Minister Lionel Jospin in the first round of the presidential election, winning 18 percent of the vote. However, with nearly the entire French political establishment—including the Socialist Party and the French Communist Party—endorsing conservative President Jacques Chirac, he was easily defeated in the second round.
After the end of World War II, few Russians needed to be reminded of the evils of German fascism. Nevertheless, several fascist groups emerged in Russia after the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991. Resentment over the loss of the Soviet empire, concern for the fate of ethnic
Russians in the successor states, bad economic conditions, the breakdown of law and order, the desire for a strong leader, and the fact that democratic institutions were not deeply rooted in Russia all combined to make fascist ideas appealing to some segments of the Russian population.
Some Russian fascists attempted to revive the reactionary ideology of the Black Hundreds, a loose association of extreme right-wing organizations formed in Russia during the early years of the 20th century.
Black Hundred ideology was highly nationalistic, anticosmopolitan, anti-Semitic, anti-Masonic, anti-Western, antidemocratic, antiegalitarian, antiliberal, and anti-“decadence.” The Black Hundreds were strong supporters of the Russian Orthodox Church,
the army, and authoritarian government (favouring either monarchy or military dictatorship), and they indulged in conspiracy theories that blamed most of Russia’s troubles on Jews and Freemasons.
In the 1980s the leading group espousing Black Hundred ideology was Pamyat (“Memory”), whose main spokesman after 1984 was Dmitry Vasiliev. During the communist era Pamyat worked for the restoration of churches and national monuments in Moscow, and Vasiliev generally supported the Communist Party and praised Lenin, Stalin, and the KGB for defending national traditions.
After 1989, however, Vasiliev increasingly supported the Russian Orthodox Church and began to advocate monarchism.
Pamyat writers denounced communists as “godless,” “cosmopolitan,” and “antipatriotic,” and they criticized the neglect of national traditions, anti-Russian sentiment in the Baltic countries, the moral decline of youth, increased crime, the weakening of the family, and alcoholism.
Although Pamyat had a near monopoly on the extreme right in 1987–88, by 1991 it had been overtaken by rival movements.
One of these movements was the Liberal-Democratic Party of Russia (Liberalno-Demokraticheskaya Partiya Rossi; LDPR), led by Vladimir Zhirinovsky.
Founded in 1990, the party grew rapidly, and in presidential elections in 1991 Zhirinovsky won almost 8 percent of the vote, which placed him third after Boris Yeltsin and Nicolay Ryzhkov. In parliamentary elections
in 1993, the LDPR gained nearly 23 percent of the vote, more than the Russian Communist Party (12.4 percent) did. However, by 1996 Zhirinovsky’s support had declined precipitously, and in presidential elections that year he managed to win only 6 percent of the vote.
Most neofascists denied that they were “fascists,” and Zhirinovsky was no exception. On various occasions he asserted his adherence to democratic values, the rights of man, a multiparty system, and the rule of law. However, in 1991 he declared:
“I say quite plainly, when I come to power there will be a dictatorship. Russia needs a dictator now.” He added: “I’ll be ruthless. I will close down the newspapers one after another. I may have to shoot 100,000 people, but the other 300 million will live peacefully. You want to call it Russian fascism, fine.”
Zhirinovsky also indulged in racism and anti-Semitism, even though his own father was apparently Jewish and he himself had been active in a Russian Jewish group in 1989.
When asked about his parents in 1993, he replied, “My mother was Russian, my father a lawyer”—a comment that became a popular joke in Russia about people who try to conceal their origins.
Zhirinovsky also claimed that the Russian Revolution of 1917 was mainly the work of “baptized Jews” and that the state of Israel and Mossad, the Israeli intelligence agency, were engaged in anti-Russian conspiracies. Although he sometimes complained that the United States was becoming a nonwhite society,
he declared that only an alliance between the United States, Germany, and Russia could “preserve the white race on the European and American continents.”
Zhirinovsky wanted to ensure Russia’s greatness by retaining control of the constituent republics of the former Soviet Union, and he condemned independence movements in the Baltic states and Chechnya and threatened harsh measures against them.
As he told a Lithuanian newspaper in 1991, “I’ll destroy you. I’ll bury nuclear waste…along the border [with the Baltic states].…You Lithuanians will die from diseases and radiation.… Soon there will be no Lithuanians, Estonians, and Latvians in the Baltic.
I’ll act the way Hitler did in 1942.” Zhirinovsky made similar threats to Western countries, which he believed were working against Russia’s interests. On a visit to Belgrade in 1994, he warned the West to stay out of the conflict in the Balkans or risk a Russian nuclear attack.
After being denied a visa to Germany in the same year, he threatened to completely destroy that country and occupy it with 300,000 Russian troops.
Like many fascists of the interwar period, Zhirinovsky had little regard for women, and he was openly contemptuous of women with education or political power.
Following a television debate with a representative of the Women’s Movement of Russia in 1995, he remarked that women such as her enjoyed being beaten and had fantasies about being raped, though they were too ugly for their fantasies to come true.
Such comments were consistent with the negative portrayal of women—especially younger women—in Black Hundreds literature.
Zhirinovsky’s economic program favoured a mixed economy. He proposed both that taxes on industry be reduced and that 70 percent of the economy be controlled by the state, including transportation and communication.
However, he blamed most of Russia’s economic problems on scapegoats, claiming that Russia was so poor because the country had been robbed of its natural resources by Jews, Freemasons, and Americans.
The Russian National Unity (Russkoe Natsionalnoe Edinstvo; RNE), a paramilitary organization founded in 1990 by Aleksandr Barkashov, claimed to have an extensive network of local branches, but its electoral support was significantly less than that of the LDPR. Barkashov, a former commando in the Russian army, touted his blackshirts as a reserve force for the Russian army and the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
He blamed many of Russia’s economic problems on Jews, claimed that two RNE blackshirts had been victims of Jewish ritual murder, insisted that only a “few hundred” Jews had perished in German concentration camps, and said that the Holocaust was a “diversion” created to conceal a Jewish-inspired genocide of 100 million Russians. The RNE’s symbol was a left-pointed swastika together with a four-pointed star.
The RNE emphasized the “primary importance” of Russian blood, accused “internationalists-communists” of undermining the “genetic purity” of the nation with a program of racial mixture, and called for a rebirth of “Russian-
Aryan traditions.” Although Barkashov denied that he was a fascist, he admired Hitler enormously, once stating that “I consider [Hitler] a great hero of the German nation and of all white races. He succeeded in inspiring the entire nation to fight against degradation and the washing away of national values.”
Barkashov insisted in 1994 that he would come to power by “absolutely legal means.” Nevertheless, the RNE’s program stated that conventional democracy was inefficient, and it called for an “ethnic democracy” in which the right to vote would be restricted to those who had demonstrated their loyalty to the nation.
As part of Barkashov’s program of racist nationalism, he insisted that the state should protect motherhood to ensure the growth of the ethnic Russian population. Families with many children should be rewarded, and a “cult of the family” should be encouraged on a “traditional patriarchal basis.”
Farmers, he said, were the best part of the nation, representing as they did a union of blood and soil. A major plank in the RNE’s platform was its defense of ethnic Russians outside Russia proper.
Barkashov denounced the oppression of ethnic Russians in Estonia and Latvia and later supported Russian military intervention in Chechnya to protect Russian citizens “from force and arbitrary rule,” calling for harsh measures—ranging from temporary internment to deportation—against the 80,000 Chechen “criminals” who lived in Russia.
Following the collapse of communism in the former Yugoslavia and the secession of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the Yugoslav federation in 1991–92, units of the Yugoslav army and Serbian paramilitary forces engaged in campaigns of “ethnic cleansing” aimed at driving out non-Serb majorities in northeastern Croatia and parts of northern and eastern Bosnia and establishing nominally independent Serb republics in the vacated territories.
The attacks, which were compared in their ferocity and cruelty to the Nazi invasions of eastern Europe and Russia, involved mass executions (mostly of men and boys), forced marches, torture, starvation, and systematic rape.
These tactics were aimed at creating irreversible ethnic hatreds that would permanently prevent the development of multiethnic states in the areas under attack. In 1998–99 similar tactics were employed in Kosovo, a province of Serbia in which 90 percent of the population was ethnically Albanian and predominantly Muslim.
Organized and directed by the regime of Serbian President Slobodan Milošević, leader of the Socialist Party of Serbia (Socijalisticka Partija Srbije; SPS), the campaigns in Croatia and Bosnia were undertaken in part to bolster Milošević’s image as a staunch nationalist and to consolidate his power at the expense of Vojislav Seselj’s Serbian Radical Party (Srpska Radikalna Stranka; SRS), then the largest neofascist party in Serbia.
Although the SPS had won 65 percent of the vote in elections to the Serbian assembly in 1990, deteriorating economic conditions and perceived threats to Serbian enclaves in Croatia and Bosnia (where Serbs constituted 12 percent and 31 percent of the population,
respectively) resulted in a significant loss of support for Milošević’s SPS and a corresponding growth in the SRS and other extreme nationalist and neofascist groups. In 1992 the SPS won only 40 percent of the vote and was forced to enter into an unofficial “red-brown” alliance with the SRS, which finished with 20 percent.
To counter the growing threat from the right, Milošević gradually adopted many of the neofascists’ policies, including support for the creation of a “Greater Serbia” that would incorporate Montenegro, Macedonia (now North Macedonia), and large areas of Croatia and Bosnia.
In May 1993, after a year of severe economic hardship caused by UN-imposed sanctions, Milošević accepted an international agreement for the division of Bosnia into 10 ethnic cantons.
The Vance-Owen plan (named after its principal negotiators, former U.S. secretary of state Cyrus Vance and former British foreign minister David Owen) was rejected by the self-styled parliament of the Bosnian Serbs and condemned by Seselj, who attacked Milošević for “selling out” and called for a parliamentary vote of no confidence.
Milošević responded by launching an “antifascist” campaign against Seselj and the SRS, charging Seselj with profiteering and committing war crimes in Croatia and Bosnia and arresting several members of the SRS’s paramilitary wing, the “Chetniks” (named after the Serbian nationalist guerrilla movement that battled the Nazis and later the communist Partisans in Yugoslavia during World War II; see Chetnik).
Milošević subsequently attempted to weaken nationalist support for the SRS by allying himself with the notorious paramilitary leader Željko Ražnatović (popularly known by his nom de guerre, Arkan) and his new Serbian Unity Party (Srpska Partja Jedinstva; SJP).
In elections in December 1993, the SPS increased its representation in the Serbian assembly at the expense of the SRS, taking 49 percent of the vote, compared with the SRS’s 14 percent.
In early 1998 Serbian military and police forces began attacks in Kosovo on alleged strongholds of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), an ethnically Albanian guerrilla movement fighting to end Serbian control of the province.
The Serbs’ harsh repression of the Albanian civilian population drew international condemnation and resulted in renewed UN sanctions on Yugoslavia. On March 24, 1999, after a Serbian delegation at peace talks in Rambouillet, France, rejected an accord that had been signed by representatives of Kosovar Albanians and the KLA,
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) began an intensive bombing campaign directed at Yugoslav military targets and later also at civilian infrastructure and government buildings in Serbia.
In response, Serbian security forces in Kosovo conducted a massive campaign of ethnic cleansing, including large-scale massacres of civilians, and eventually forced more than 850,000 Kosovars to flee to border areas in Albania, Macedonia, and Montenegro.
The bombing came to an end in early June after Milošević agreed to the withdrawal of Serbian forces from Kosovo, the deployment of NATO peacekeeping troops, and the repatriation of Albanian refugees.
In the meantime, Milošević and four top officials of his government were indicted for crimes against humanity by the UN International Criminal Tribunal at The Hague.
The trial began in February 2002 but experienced numerous delays because of the poor health of Milošević; he was found dead in his prison cell in 2006.
In the early 1990s the main spokesman for neofascism in Croatia was Dobroslav Paraga, founder in 1990 of the Croatian Party of Rights (Hrvatska Stranka Prava; HSP).
A former seminary student and dissident under the communist regime in Croatia in the 1980s, Paraga believed that Serbia was a mortal danger to Croatian national survival, and he called for the creation of a “Greater Croatia” that would include much of Serbia and all of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
He insisted that war with Serbia was inevitable and had to end in the “total defeat” of the enemy with “nothing left of Serbia except Belgrade and its surroundings.”
Paraga’s followers openly endorsed the pro-Nazi Ustaša regime, which had carried out large-scale exterminations of Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies (Roma) in Croatia during World War II.
Reflecting the enthusiasm for Ustaša symbolism that swept Croatia after the outbreak of the Bosnian war in 1991, HSP members often wore caps marked with a U and donned black shirts in imitation of the former Ustaša paramilitary; they also gave fascist salutes and repeated the old Ustaša slogan “Ready for the homeland.”
The HSP’s paramilitary wing, the Croatian Defense Association (Hrvatska Obrambeni Savez; HOS), was heavily involved in fighting against Serbia.
The economic program of the HSP was vague, maintaining that the principal solution to all social and economic problems was the creation of a Greater Croatia. In elections in 1992, the HSP received only about 7 percent of the parliamentary vote and Paraga only 5 percent of the presidential vote.
The party’s electoral impact was reduced by its insistence on continuing the unpopular war against Serbia and by Paraga’s refusal to join forces with other neofascist parties in Croatia, such as the Croatian Party of Pure Rights (Hrvastska Ci sta Stranka Prava; HCSP), the Croatian Democratic Party (Hrvatgska Demokratska Stranka Prava; HDSZP), and the National Democratic League (Nacionalna Demokratska Liga; NDL).
Like the SRS in Serbia, the HSP was opposed by a larger ruling party—the Croatian Democratic Union (Hrvatska Demokratska Zajednica; HDZ), founded in 1989 by Franjo Tudjman—that eventually adopted neofascist policies in order to undercut the appeal of its extreme nationalist and neofascist rivals.
Like the HSP, the Tudjman regime employed many Ustaša symbols, and it even rehabilitated many Ustaša leaders and nominated some of them to government posts.
The HDZ incorporated into its ranks the Croatian National Committee, a group founded by Ranimir Jelic, a close associate of Ante Pavelić, the founder of the original Ustaša.
In 1995 Tudjman’s troops undertook extensive ethnic cleansing campaigns in western Slavonia and the historically Serbian region of Krajina, forcing the evacuation of some 150,000 Croatian Serbs to Serbia and Serb-held areas of Bosnia.
Beginning in 1991, Tudjman took various repressive measures against the HSP, including the arrest of Paraga on charges of having formed an illegal paramilitary group and the formal incorporation of the HOS into the regular Croatian army.
In 1993 the government launched a largely successful “antifascist” campaign aimed at curbing the influence of HSP supporters in the military. In the same year, Paraga was brought to trial for having allegedly plotted a coup, though he was later acquitted.
The largest neofascist movements outside Europe after World War II emerged in Latin America, South Africa, and the Middle East. Juan Perón, who ruled Argentina as the legally elected president in 1946–55 and again in 1973–74, served as a military attaché to Italy in the 1930s and was a great admirer of the duce.
As he later said, “Mussolini was the greatest man of our century, but he committed certain disastrous errors. I, who have the advantage of his precedent before me, shall follow in his footsteps but also avoid his errors.”
Perón won the support of poor industrial workers (the descamisados, or “shirtless ones”) as well as many wealthy businessmen by promoting higher wages and benefits as well as industrial development. He also had the backing of many middle-class nationalists and a large portion of the army officer corps.
His charismatic wife, Eva Perón, popularly known as Evita, attracted a cult following for her charitable activities and her storybook rise from “rags to riches.”
However, owing to inflation, corruption, and Perón’s conflicts with the formerly dominant landowning class and the Catholic church, the military eventually turned against him, and he was ousted in a coup in 1955.
After a long exile in Spain, Perón returned to Argentina in 1973 and, in a special election in October of that year, was elected president with his second wife, Isabel Perón, as vice president. Succeeding her husband after his death in 1974, Isabel Perón could not prevent a split between rightist and leftist factions of the Peronist coalition.
The economy deteriorated dramatically, with inflation reaching triple digits by 1975, and the country was plagued by waves of kidnappings and assassinations of government and business leaders by leftist guerrillas—violence that was soon answered in kind, and on a much larger scale, by the military and secret police. Having lost all popular support, Isabel Perón was overthrown in a military coup in March 1976.
The most significant neofascist group in South Africa after 1945 was the South African Gentile National Socialist Movement (the “Greyshirts”), which changed its name to the White Workers Party in 1949.
Although the party did not succeed in creating a mass movement, it did encourage the adoption of policies of white supremacy and apartheid by the dominant National Party of South Africa.
In the Middle East the regimes of Muammar al-Qaddafi in Libya and Ṣaddām Ḥussein in Iraq were neofascist in several respects. A charismatic dictator and devout Muslim, Qaddafi came to power in 1969 in a military coup that overthrew King Idris.
He advocated what he called “true democracy,” characterized by state ownership of key sectors of the economy, strict adherence to Islamic law, and the mobilization of mass support through “people’s congresses,” government-controlled labour unions, and other organizations.
In Iraq, Ḥussein’s Baʿth movement defended an extremely nationalistic brand of socialism that rejected Western liberalism as well as “materialistic communism.” Ḥussein’s regime, which came to power in a coup in 1968, was essentially a personal dictatorship based on an Arab version of the Führerprinzip.
In the 1990s a number of far-right antigovernment militia groups were active in the United States, and many of them made use of paramilitary uniforms and neo-Nazi symbolism.
During that time, however, they generally lacked the popular support necessary to launch a strong political movement or to engage in electoral politics on their own.
In the second decade of the 21st century, right-wing populist and neofascist parties and movements in western Europe enjoyed a surge of popularity, fueled in part by a large influx of Muslim immigrants following the Arab Spring revolts in 2010–11 and, in some countries, by continued resentment of the European Union (EU).
Although Muslims in Europe nowhere became a majority of voters, they increased their numbers substantially. In France the FN, now led by Le Pen’s daughter Marine Le Pen, advanced for only the second time to the second round of that country’s presidential elections in 2017 (she was defeated by the centrist candidate Emmanuel Macron).
In Germany in 2017, the far-right party Alternative for Germany (Alternative für Deutschland; AfD), which had adopted an overtly anti-Islamic platform, won nearly 13 percent of the presidential vote in national elections, and by the following year it was the second most popular political party in Germany, after the Christian Democrats.
At about the same time, a wave of right-wing populism in the United States led, in 2016, to the unexpected electoral victory of Republican presidential candidate Donald J. Trump. During his campaign Trump had encouraged hostility toward Muslim and Mexican immigrants.
He promised to suspend immigration from Muslim-majority countries because of the presumed threat of terrorism; to build a wall along the country’s southern border to prevent illegal immigration from Mexico; and to deport all 11 million undocumented immigrants in the country, the great majority of whom had come from Latin America.
The Trump administration later became notorious around the world for its policy of separating immigrant children from their parents in cases of families illegally crossing the southern border together. Among Trump’s supporters were members of a reinvigorated militia movement, including border vigilante groups;
white supremacists, including members of the Ku Klux Klan; and neo-Nazis—none of whom he disavowed. Indeed, Trump’s far-right and racist supporters became more outspoken as his campaign gained momentum and especially after his electoral victory in November, believing with some justification that their ideas had finally gained a place within mainstream political discourse.
In the immediate aftermath of Trump’s election and during the four years of his presidency (2017–21), reported hate crimes directed at minorities—including Hispanics, Muslims, and Jews—increased significantly.
Following the end of World War II, scholars of fascism had adopted various terms to describe certain contemporary political parties and leaders who were not clearly fascist or neofascist but who displayed some characteristics of historical fascist movements and regimes.
Among the labels that were applied were “quasi-fascist,” “proto-fascist,” “semi-fascist,” and “borderline fascist.” Such scholars generally agreed that Trump himself was not a fascist or neofascist.
Yet he was arguably a borderline fascist, insofar as his behaviour and attitudes, both as a candidate and as president, resembled in some respects those of historical fascist leaders.
Such similarities included contempt for democratic values and the rule of law, demagoguery, appeals to racism, incitements to mob violence—notably including Trump’s incitement of the mob that stormed the U.S. Capitol in January 2021—attacks on the legitimacy of the press and of established institutions of government, and the exploitation of scapegoats.
Other national leaders in the first three decades of the 21st century whose authoritarian and nationalistic approach had some features in common with fascism included Alexander Lukashenko, who became president of Belarus in 1994;
Viktor Orbán, who served as prime minister of Hungary from 1998 to 2002 and again from 2010; Vladimir Putin, who first came to power in Russia in 1999; and Jair Bolsonaro, who became president of Brazil in 2018.